099 / 1 |
The Timing of Devaluation: Political Institutions and the Origin of the Problem of Time-Inconsistency
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2023-03-09 |
099 / 2 |
Presidents, Prime Ministers and their Policy Commitment: How Constitutional Formats Affect Government's Commitment Ability
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2023-03-09 |
102 / 1 |
Democracy and Financial Crises: A Theoretical Analysis
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2023-03-09 |
103 / 1 |
國際政治穩定的金融觀:以英國的興衰為例
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2023-03-09 |
104 / 1 |
人民幣國際化的心理模式
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2023-03-09 |
104 / 2 |
Deeper and then Safer: The Two-level Game of the Chinese Renminbi in SDR
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2023-03-09 |
105 / 1 |
經濟發展vs. 政權穩定:人民幣國際化對地方政府政權的影響
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2023-03-09 |
105 / 2 |
The Institution of Political Succession and Financial Policy in China: The Way to Face China’s Financial Dilemma between 1996 and 2014
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2023-03-09 |
106 / 1 |
中國崛起與東南亞區域金融治理
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2023-03-09 |
107 / 1 |
中國崛起與中美互動關係解析:貿易和平與權力轉移理論
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2023-03-09 |
107 / 1 |
中國崛起與中美互動關係解析:貿易和平與權力轉移理論
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2023-03-09 |
107 / 1 |
是利還是弊? 東南亞國家對「一帶一路」的回應
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2023-03-09 |
108 / 1 |
霸權的困境:從貿易-權力轉移理論看霸權戰爭
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2023-03-09 |
110 / 1 |
危機處理與政治體制:以COVID-19為例
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2023-03-09 |
111 / 1 |
後疫情時代的國際結構:兩極化還是非兩極化
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2023-03-09 |
112 / 1 |
Bandwagon for Power or Profits: The Semiconductor Industries in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan
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2024-03-18 |